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By Welmers, Wm.

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Principle (35b), then, seems to have case (36a) and possibly (36b). (36) a. EC disallows pied-piping. b. Inactive trace disallows Match. Apart from these restrictions, traces should be subject to operations freely; and (36) ought to hold of ECs generally, not just trace, unless trace has to be distinguished from other ECs by virtue of its relational properties, an unwanted complexity. Such extension of (36) raises various questions. Lexical ECs undergo Move as well as Merge, unlike trace; but they are X 0 s, so pied-piping does not apply.

But the internal semantic properties of Obj are not part of the mechanism of the rule, just as the intention of binding an anaphor is not part of the mechanism of raising. To illustrate, in Icelandic or Mainland Scandinavian, the counterpart of (62a) is not well formed but the counterpart of (62b) is. (62) a. *I have herObj not [seen tObj ] b. I sawv herObj not [tv tObj ] 36 Noam Chomsky In (62a), the trace tObj of her is in a v*P-internal position: the v*-V complex has not raised. The parameter (61c) is inapplicable, and therefore v* cannot have an EPP-feature (as in English/Romance).

Then interpretations can be assigned freely in the position of ®rst Merge, including Int or Int H . Under the economy principle (61a), v* may have an EPP-feature, inducing OS, only if that is required in order to yield some outcome other than Int-assignment (which is already free without the EPPfeature and resulting OS): for example, successive-cyclic A-movement. Otherwise, Obj remains in situ, whether v*P-internally or at the phonological border. Suppose that L is an OS language observing (61c) (Icelandic, and following Holmberg, Mainland Scandinavian as well, with somewhat different conditions).

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African Language Structures by Welmers, Wm.

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